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15 March 2005

The Rise of the Home Recording Studio in Metro Manila

The Rise of the Home Recording Studio in Metro Manila
Robin Daniel Z. Rivera
15 March 2005
Philippine Studies 229
Dr. Seraphin Talisayon

INTRODUCTION
In the early 1970's the disparity between professional and consumer level audio recording technology was at an all-time high. First, the cost of  professional recording equipment was out of reach by most lay people. At that time, a professional 8-track multi-track recorder, just one of the necessary components of a state of the art studio, cost about US$ 10,000.00. This hefty price tag bought you superior operating specifications, and bullet-proof reliability. While most consumer-level electronics were expected to render only a few hours of entertainment a day, professional equipment could be run practically 24/7 with minimal downtime within a specified length of time, usually in the tens of thousands of hours. The stratospheric price could be traced to the use of the military-grade materials, and the highest manufacturing tolerances. 

Second, professional equipment differed from their consumer counterparts not only in durability, but in capabilities as well. One example of a function not available to consumers was “Simul-Sync” or “Multi-Track Recording”. In this system, an ensemble performance was not done with all instruments playing at once. Each instrument/voice could be recorded in complete isolation, on a separate “track” on the tape recorder. Subsequent instruments/voices could be added at another time, while listening to what had been recorded earlier to guarantee synchronization among the instruments/voices. One 2-inch wide tape could contain as many as twenty-four tracks (in some cases even thirty-two). In some extreme cases, two or more machines could be electronically synchronized to multiply the number of tracks. After all instruments/ voices were recorded, they were then combined, or “mixed” into the final form, in either mono (one channel), or stereo (two channels) for release on vinyl discs or tape. Recorders of this sort were not only prohibitively expensive, but large as well. 

Third, since most instruments were acoustic in nature, a studio required an acoustically sealed room to record in. Each sound, and or performance had to be recorded in isolation so that extraneous sounds could be minimized or eliminated. Recording studios also required a large amount of space. Equipment was not only heavy but large as well. Control rooms needed to accommodate several large pieces of equipment. Mixing consoles alone, for example, could weigh hundreds of pounds, and measure up to eight meters wide. Large recording rooms were also desired  to house several musicians at once.  Just one room of this type of structure could cost more than an entire residential house because of the space requirements, massive structural reinforcement and air-conditioning needed. 

Fourth, the equipment and structure required a high level of maintenance. Many major parts for the equipment and the structure were proprietary, and had to be ordered directly from the factory. This made maintenance a costly and time-consuming effort.  

Fifth, it required specialized expertise in both operation and maintenance. Few, if any, schools in the Philippines offered specific training in audio engineering, a field that required a combination of electronics, acoustics, architecture, and music. 

But there are other, non-instrumental reasons for the lack of home recording activities and facilities in the early 20th century. Formal musical ensemble performances needed large spaces such as town plazas, cathedrals, and concert halls. Even the so-called “chamber” or “ salon” music of the 18th and 19th century Europe was practiced in large mansions and castles belonging to the political and economic elite. In the Philippines, “tertullias” were common only among the landed gentry with large “bahay-na-bato” that could fit not only the musicians and instruments, but the party-going audience as well. The most that most working musicians could do at home was practice, and even this was often times problematic because the sound produced by the repetitive practice and drills with musical instruments could be construed by neighbors as meaningless noise. Since musical recording was considered a type of formal music performance, it was not conceivable to conduct in the home of a typical working musician. 

But by the 1970's, the landscape began to change. A number of technological innovations would drastically bring the prohibitive cost of setting up a studio down to “affordable” levels. Recording equipment became cheaper, smaller, and easier to maintain. And the growing popularity of electric and electronic musical instruments minimized the need for large recording rooms.  Then there was a blurring of the lines between the workplace and the home. Small-scale home-based “cottage industries” entered the realm of formal business paradigms, specially in developing nations like the Philippines.  These changes resulted in the emergence of the “home studio”. 

This paper will examine one example in the development of the home studio in the Philippines, and how it changed the landscape of the recording industry. 

KEY TECHNOLOGICAL TOOLS AND PROCESSES  
In 1979, the TEAC Corporation introduced the TASCAM 144 PORTASTUDIO. While the technical operating specifications were modest,  This groundbreaking device contained a four-track simul-sync recorder and mixer, and used inexpensive cassette tapes, at a suggested retail price of US$ 1,100.00. And except for major parts like the tape heads, many of the spare parts could be bought in local electronic supply stores. This became the core device for what was to be affectionately dubbed as the “home studio” (and in some cases the “bedroom studio”). This directly benefitted at least two types of production workers. First to take advantage of these were working musicians. These musicians could now produce study tapes and “demo” recordings, as well as low cost commercial jingles (since radio jingles did not always need the high technical standards demanded by commercial records) by themselves, without having to rent time in state-of-the-art studios. And since by then many popular musical instruments were electric or electronic (electric guitars, electronic keyboards, drum machines, etc.), they could feed the output of the instrument directly to the input of the Portastudio, thus minimizing the need for a dedicated recording room. They were also relatively easy to operate. Much of the basic controls resembled consumer tape machines. More advanced features were simplified versions of professional tape recorders. Since many of the musicians who bought Portastudios had experience in recording studios and had seen professional equipment in action, the learning curve was not too steep. This was also a boon for those making Audio-Visual Presentations (AVPs) whose needs were not as elaborate as musicians, but needed the flexibility of simul-sync in order to control the balance of narration, music, and sound effects in a presentation. It is claimed that over one million TASCAM Portastudios (of various incarnations) have been sold since 1979. Several other companies released their own versions of the Portastudio, such as Fostex, Audio-Technica, Sansui, and Kenwood. The competition between these companies resulted in even cheaper and smaller units. 

The second major innovation was MIDI. In 1983, a consortium of electronic musical instrument companies published a standard for data transmission that would allow automated control, performance, and storage between digital music instruments and computers. This enabled musicians to compose, orchestrate and edit their work on a computer-based device known as a sequencer, and then perform the work by having the sequencer activate the corresponding digital instrument(s). The most popular digital instruments of the day, synthesizers and samplers,  had the capabilities of mimicking acoustic instruments. In many cases, this bypassed having to record many acoustic instruments via microphones, and in so doing, minimized the need to construct expensive acoustically controlled studios. This also minimized the need to hire large ensembles of players, as only one musician was needed to input the data of a work. The home studio had become the norm, and at one point threatened the existence of established recording studios. The only change was that some musician/producers moved out of their bedrooms, and into the living room or a vacant guest room to house the growing number of devices. 

The latest technological development is computer-based non-linear recording systems. Traditional tape-based analog recording may have allowed a musician/producer to add as many parts or tracks as could be accommodated in a multi-track tape. But once a performance was recorded on that tape, it took a complex procedure of technological gymnastics to shift the position and timing of one or more tracks in time. The personal computer changed all of that. By the 1990's, even modest personal computers could now record acoustic sounds using a microphone, and store it as digital data. So not only can a personal computer store and manipulate MIDI data, it can now do the same for digitally recorded sound. Software applications that could exploit this capability also appeared at a price that many musician/producers could afford. Today’s personal computers even have integrated music intruments such as synthesizers. So the computer-based home studio is now also called the “virtual” studio because music can be created without any sound from the “physical” world. 

Many current popular recordings are now a result of  hybrid production methods. Basic and/or virtual tracks can be created in artists’ home studios. This allows the artist to do work in comfortable surroundings, and with minimal time pressure. These basic tracks are then “laid-back” or transferred to professional studios for acoustic recording, refinement and post-production. This ensures the high technical quality demanded by commercial recording. 

THE EVOLUTION OF THE HOME STUDIO
As the cost of audio recording equipment went down in the 1980's, more and more musicians entered into the home studio fray. The period immediately following the EDSA uprising in 1986 saw a wealth of opportunities and spending in the entertainment and advertising industries, and Philippine musicians not about to let this opportunity slip by. Eager to get a piece of growing advertising and promotional budgets, some enterprising musicians put up low-cost home studios so they could lower their productions costs by not having to rent expensive professional studio time. As profits accumulated , “gear lust” (the desire to acquire an inordinate amount equipment beyond those  necessarily needed for basic tasks) resulted in a situation wherein the capabilities of home studios outgrew the personal needs of these musicians. The next evolutionary step was that many home studio owners began to offer their facilities to others for a fee. This added another source of income for the owner, on top of his/her own personal recording projects. While some moved out of their homes into existing commercial spaces such as warehouses and office condominiums, others did not move the studio outside of their homes, retaining the warmth and charm of a home environment. It was not uncommon for owners’ family members to develop close relationships with clients.

But for every home studio that successfully morphs into a commercial studio, a new home studio is born. A second wave of musicians’ home studios was about to provide solutions for a new set of music industry challenges. The Asian financial crisis of the late 1990's, coupled with the menace of media piracy, dealt the Philippine recording industry a serious blow. Rock and pop bands were the hardest hit by these reductions. After their heyday in the 1990's, their popularity had begun to wane by the year 2000. Because of this, production budgets for local band recordings shrank dramatically. The response of this still relatively young generation of musicians was to set up home studios so that they could record music without record company support, and market their recordings independently. Their home studios were made out from a wealth of equipment that band musicians had acquired in the course of their short but still hyperactive-active careers. The relatively high quality of these recordings were a testament to the availability, and affordability of computer music systems. These “indy” recordings provided some kind of relief for record companies because, for the time being, they no longer had to fund the recording of new artists. By the time record companies started signing up new artists, these existing “indy” recordings had already given the artists a small but loyal following. Building on these foundations, record companies ended up either just buying the rights to these home made recordings outright, or entering into distribution agreements. It is not an exaggeration to say that without home studios, the band scene in the Philippines might not have thrived as it continues to do today.

Modern popular music recordings demand not only an ever-increasing level of technical standards, but greater complexity in production strategies as well. In spite of the fact that the music industry is a multi-billion dollar industry worldwide, it depends as much on marginal, “alternative” artists as it does on big-name marque stars to cater to its diverse market. In the same way, the synergy between the professional studio and the home studio must exist to maintain cost-effectiveness and efficiency.

CASE STUDY: EJL RECORDING
One example of a home studio is EJL Recording Inc. In 1985, Eric Lava was living in a one-bedroom flat in his family compound at 6 Manigo St. In U.P. Village. Some musician friends, such as Juan Miguel Salvador of the then popular Rage band,  asked if they could use his living room to work on recording  demo and study tapes, because they had no private space in their own homes. In addition to the space, Eric also made available his keyboard synthesizer, a power amplifier and speakers. His friends brought in a small portable 4-track recorder and other equipment. Lava said he stayed up many nights watching and learning from them how recordings were done. Shortly after, he bought the 4-track recorder from Salvador, and started renting out the equipment and space. 

Later in 1985, I was approached by Eric Lava to help put together a recording system to be used in a low-budget recording project for Greg Caro and the U.P. Samaskom. I also had small home studios of my own, which satisfied my personal needs. But this particular project needed a system that neither of us could supply by ourselves, hence a combination of our resources became the viable option. So we fused our equipment, and shared operating chores for the duration of the project. My equipment included a 6-channel mixer, a power amplifier, a keyboard synthesizer, and a pair of dynamic microphones. Lava’s contribution was another keyboard synthesizer, guitars, and monitor speakers. We also borrowed a drum machine from Salvador, and another keyboard synthesizer from a friend of the client, Greg Caro.

While the project was exciting, it was not without a host of problems inherent with recording in a home.  One of the main problems was the lack of acoustic isolation. Much of the work was done outside of office hours, often into the late evening and early morning. The sound of the system could be heard not only outside the flat, but in the main house of the compound. Other family members in the main house complained about the sound in the late hours, and at one point threatened to shut down our operations. On the other hand, turning down the loudness made monitoring difficult because we could not accurately hear soft musical passages. Conversely, outside noises such as rain , car horns, doorbells and barking dogs would interrupt vocal recordings. Another problem was the lack of air-conditioning. Both we and the client would get uncomfortable during the mid-day heat. Still another problem was electrically induced. The lack of power line conditioning and proper grounding made the electrical current unstable. Florescent light fixtures and refrigerators easily introduced unpredictable hum and spikes into the recording equipment. These factors necessitated a myriad of compromises and remedies. In spite of these problems, we managed to complete the project in about a week, and the payment was divided between the two of us. 

Upon the completion of the project, Lava asked me if I wanted to continue renting out our fused system and services commercially. He had apparently been dared by one client to turn the otherwise informal activity in to his primary business. I declined because I  had already committed to a full-time career in teaching. But Lava became more and more enamored with the idea of putting up a full-blown studio. Several projects followed, still mostly demos and low budget recordings. There was a healthy market for a small, home based studio with low hourly rates and an informal ambience. Although the studio was not registered with the SEC, he opened a bank account under the name “Offline Audio”, which still exists today. In 1987, Lava took out a small loan from his father to purchase some needed equipment. He single-handedly handled the marketing, business, and technical operations of the studio. In the start, most of his clients were friends and acquaintances within a small circle of musician-friends. He also began taking on clients from the fields of advertising. 

In 1987, Eric and a couple of college friends in the media industry “gatecrashed” the Advertising Congress in Baguio City. While the main objective was to make search for new clients,  he met an old acquaintance, Anabel Marasigan, who was then the Advertising Director of Trebel Corporation. Back in Manila, Anabel asked Eric to participate in a large project to develop “minus-one” tapes for Trebel. Apparently, the Trebel president had set up a studio in his house to make the recordings, but noone in the company could run it. Also, the project entailed so much work, that Trebel needed to subcontract half of the work. So Eric simultaneously served as the technical consultant for the project, and a subcontractor using his own studio.

During this flurry of work and studio development, Eric married Anabel Marasigan on 28 May 1988. She resigned from Trebel, and was promptly appointed as the business and marketing manager of the Eric’s fledgling studio. She brought her own personal and professional network of clients and subcontractors, as her managerial experience to the mix. Eric got a another loan from his father (about PhP 50,000.00) so that he could buy equipment similar to that which Trebel had. The couple traveled to Hong Kong several times that year to purchase the equipment. 

By the end of the year, the studio had expanded their clients to include several local advertising agencies. Eric relates how advertising had become the boom industry of the time. The established Makati-based studios were so inundated with clients that work was literally “spilling out” to smaller studios like his in Quezon City. At this point, the couple undertook yet another expansion by the constructing an acoustically controlled studio adjacent to the flat, and converting the living room into an office/reception area. This was because the projects they were working on demanded a higher level of acoustic isolation, and the couple wanted to add more privacy to their living environment. They also took in additional staff because of the increased workload. 

But Eric sensed that the boom would not last forever. He decided to expand his services from merely equipment based, to include creative work. This was so that the money that would usually be spent on hiring a composer/arranger for a production could now go to him, and the company. Although he was a performing musician, he lacked experience in these areas. So he embarked on a process of self-study in musical theory. He was able to convince Anabel to give him compositional and arranging work within company produced projects. This eventually paid off when advertising budgets started contracting, and projects became less frequent. As time went by, more and more components of projects could be done in-house.

The next expansion in 1994 converted the couple’s bedroom into a vocal and post-production studio. This saw the addition of a pre-fabricated vocal booth, and their first computer, an Apple PowerMacintosh running Logic Audio software. The couple moved out of the flat, but into the main house of the complex. Thus the family’s presence in the studio was retained.

In 1998, the company negotiated to record the musical soundtrack for what was to be the movie “Rizal” produced by GMA Films. In preparation for this, EJL purchased more equipment, focused around another Apple PowerMacintosh running a Pro-Tools recording system.  The decision to go for a computer based system over an upgrade of their analog tape-based system had to do with maintenance. For example, analog tape machine heads deteriorate every time tape passes over them, much like sandpaper on a metal surface. This is not too much of an issue with consumer tape machines that are only used sporadically. But in a professional recording studio, which pulls thousands of feet of tape for 20 hours a day, the deterioration can be rather fast. Add to this the fact that replacement heads are available only from the manufacturer, either in Japan or the U.S.A. This makes analog tape maintenance an expensive proposition. On the other hand, the main component that wears out in a personal computer is the hard disk. Hard disks can easily be bought in most local computer shops, and at a cost much lower than a proprietary analog tape head. So in the long-term, a computer is cheaper to operate than an analog tape machine. There are a host of other advantages for digital systems, such as lower noise levels, non-linear editing, and non-destructive recording among others. This is not to say that analog tape systems don’t have their own share of strengths. But these apply to more esoteric recording situations than in mainstream commercial projects. This move paid off, not just because the success of the movie.  A growing number of clients had begun to experience the flexibility of digital systems, and were starting to prefer it for their projects. The shift to digital was timely because only a few other studios had switched yet. 

Given the computer-based technologies of EJL, IT technologies opened new opportunities for the company. EJL’s Quezon City location may be geographically close to most of the major advertising agencies in Makati and San Juan, but inconveniently remote due to traffic. So in cases where time is of the essence, EJL often sends audio files back and forth to clients via e-mail. The same is also true for clients coming from other regions in the Philippines. EJL can do location recording in the clients’ hometown, return to Quezon City for post-production, then e-mail the final recordings back to the client. 

While most of EJL’s clients have been locals, a few have come from other countries. Since the 1990's, many have been visiting foreigners who needed a studio for the duration of their stay. Their projects included recording indigenous Philippine musicians and performances, audio foreign-language tapes, and demos for songs destined for the international market. Lava is still surprised by the fact that the main reason they found EJL was simply due to his placement in the PLDT Yellow Pages. But some recent projects were landed from EJL’s presence on the internet. Lava is an active member of KATHA (Katipunan ng mga May-Akdang Taal na Himig at Awit), and is subscribed to the organization’s e-group. The most recent project which resulted from this association with KATHA involved production music for a corporate presentation of the CITICORP Asia regional headquarters in Singapore. The entire project was run electronically via the internet. First, negotiations were made via e-mail. Demos, as well as the final version of the music were sent via the internet on MP3 format. The payment was made via an electronic bank-to-bank transaction. 

In 2002, EJL began construction of a new home/studio complex in Teachers Village, Quezon City. Construction was completed in early-2003, and operations began shortly after. The compound had two main structures. The front structure contained the studio complex, with two audio control rooms, one large studio floor, a vocal booth, two post production rooms, a reception area, and offices. The rear structure contained a four-bedroom home. A major upheaval occurred with Anabel Lava’s sudden untimely death in December 2003. A reorganization followed, with Eric Lava once more having to run the company single-handedly. 

SUMMARY AND ANALYSIS
Home studios are usually established for three major reasons, all of which contrast with the dedicated commercial studio. First it provides a cost-effective facility where musicians can create preparatory/experimental/demo recordings. Second, it is a low-cost alternative when the technical requirements are not too demanding or critical. Lastly, the home environment lends a cozy atmosphere for the owner/musician. But as the home studio expands, it has to approached as a business because of the escalating costs of maintenance and the need for equipment acquisitions. At this point, the owner is confronted by a crossroad. Continued expansion often leads to relocation outside of the home environment due to the need for separating the privacy of domestic life, and public nature of business activities. The facility therefore ceases to be a home studio in the strictest sense, and loses at least one of its main appealing characteristics. On the other hand, a precious few home studios  manage a delicate balancing act. They must somehow retain the casual and comfortable nature of the home, but impose the formality and discipline needed by business transactions. 

EJL has managed to achieve the latter successfully. It has taken full advantage of the tools and processes that has been made available in this interesting age of low to medium priced recording equipment. It first utilized semi-professional equipment, then MIDI, then Computer-based audio and information systems, at the right moment when the costs benefitted not only the company, but the clients as well. It also projected the company as a home-based organization by not only maintaining the studio and home in the same complex, but by involving members of the nuclear and extended Lava family in capitalization and operations. In short, it has blended the exploitation of tools and processes, the conventional discipline of business, and the organizational comfort of the home. 


SOURCES:

______. “Tascam Company History”. (12 March 2005).

Jones, Roger Bishop . “MIDI History”. (12 March 2005).

Eric Lava, Interview by Robin Daniel Z. Rivera. 29 December 2004. 

14 September 2004

Dalub-Tunog

DALUB-TUNOG
Robin Daniel Z. Rivera
14 Septyembre 2004
Anthropolohiya 297
Dr. Prospero Covar

Madalas akong tanungin kung ano ba talaga ang propesyon ko. Ang karaniwang sagot dito ay guro ako ng araling pansining sa Pamantasan ng Pilipinas. Subali’t bukod sa aking pagtuturo, alanganin palagi ang sagot ko. Sa ngayon, halos lahat ng aking tinatrabaho, inaaral, at pinag-uukulan ng pansin ay may kinalaman sa tunog. Unang-una, isa akong musiko. Ako’y umaawit, tumutugtog ng ilang instrumentong perkusyon, at lumilikha ng kumposisyong musikal. Pangalawa, namumuno ako sa pagtatala (o rekording) ng tunog at musika, bilang prodyuser. At noong sinimulan ko ang doktoradong pagaaral, nananaliksik din ako tungkol sa mga iba’t-ibang isyu ng tunog sa lipunan. 

Sa wikang Ingles, tila walang panglahatang salitang sumasakop sa iba’t-iba kong gawain. Napipilitan akong gumamit ng mga salitang mas angkop sa ispesialidad tuland ng recording producer, sound designer, audiophile, o sound professional. Lalong kapansin-pansin na wala terminong katutubong Pilipino para sa isang katulad ko. Kung kaya, naisip kong magbuo ng bagong pangngalan para sa akin, at sa mga tulad ko na gumagalaw sa larangan ng tunog.

HASA
Sa wikang Aleman, ang titulong Tonnmeister na karaniwang bibigay sa mga inhinyerong nakapagaral ng kursong sumasakop sa mga larangan ng akustika, elektronika, at arkitektura. Ang salitang ito ay tambalan ang mga salitang tonn na katumbas ng salitang tunog, at meister na katumbas ng salitang dalubhasa. Mapapansin sa pormulang ito na pinapaboran ang panghuling bahagi ng salitang dalubhasa. Ayon sa ilang diksiyonaryong Pilipino, ang kahulugan ng hasa ay:
ha.sà png 1: pagpapatalas ng patalim 2: pagsasanay upang maging bihasa. ; Pagsasanay upang maging bihasa ha.sâ pnr sanay
Kapansin-pansin din ang ugat na hasa sa salitang bihasa:
- bi.ha.sa png 1: tao na mahusay sa isang gawain : EKSPERTO, EXPERT, MAESTRO, GURO pr. 1. Mahusay dahil sa pagsasanay, 2. Nakagawian, nakahiratihan, nakawilihan 3. Nasa kalagayang naliliwanagan at maunlad, sibilisado, may kalinangan o kultura. - bi.ha.sa.hin, ma.bi.ha.sa, mag.pa.ka.bi.ha.sa pd pag.ka.bi.ha.sa png.
Kung susundin itong pormula ng pagtatambal sa mga salitang Pilipino na tunog at dalubhasa (lalo na ang salitang ugat na hasa), maaaring magkakaroon ng mga kombinasyon tulad ng:
1) tunog + dalubhasa = tunhasa
2) tunog + dalubhasa = tunohasa
3) tunog + dalubhasa = tunoghasa

PROBLEMA NG DALUB
Batay dito, wasto ang paggamit ng ugat na hasa sa mga salitang ito. Subali’t mas laganap ang paggamit ng dalub- sa salitang tambalang tumutukoy sa mga bihasa ng isang larangan, katulad ng:
- da.lub-si-ning png [dalubhasa+sining] 1: dalubhasa sa larangan ng sining 2: tao na may kakayahang maggawad ng mga pamumuna o hatol sa arte o sining; kritiko sa sining.
da.lub-turo png [ dalubhasa+turo] : eksperto sa pagtututo; mahusay na guro.
dalub-wika png [ dalubhasa+wika] 1: tao na dalubhasa sa iba’t ibang wika 2: tao na may sapat na kaalaman sa pinagmulan , uri, katangian, at pagunlad ng iba’t ibang wika:

LINGGUWISTA, PILOLOGO.
Kung ito ang susunding pormula, ang mabubuong salita ay dapat dalub-tunog. Ano na ang nangyari sa salitang ugat na hasa? At batay sa pagsusuri ko, wala namang natatanging salitang dalub. Ang pinakamalapit sa salita dito at dalubdob, subali’t malayo ang kahulugan nito sa kaalaman at pagsasanay.
da.lub.dob Png [Ilk] 1: pagkatusok ng daliri, hal kung nananahi 2: simpleng tahi Ang dalub- ay hindi rin masasabing isang anyo ng unlapi. Bagama’t malabo ang pinanggalingan ng dalub-, bakit ito ang pinili upang patibayin ang pagkadalubhasa ng isang tao sa anumang larangan?

ANG PAHAM AT PANTAS
Ang iba pang pangngalang tumutukoy sa bihasa ng isang larangan ay ang paham at pantas:
pa.ham png 1: tao na matalino; tao na bantog sa katalinuhan o sinansamba dahil sa pambihirang karunungan: PANTAS, SABYO, SAGE. 2: tapang ng alak at iba pang alkohol Png. Taong dalubhasa sa anumang uri ng karunungan; dalubhasa, pantas, eksperto, espesyalista.
pan.tas png taong dalubhasa sa karunungan. pr napakarunong, paham.
Bagama’t halos pareho ang kahulugan ng paham sa dalubhasa, hindi gaanong laganap ang paggamit ng mga salitang ito sa ngayon. Hindi rin laganap and paggamit nito sa salitang tambalan. Walang anuman, kung ikakabit ang salitang tunog sa pamamagitan ng (hyphen) ang resultang salita ay magiging paham-tunog at pantas-tunog.

PANGWAKAS AT PANIMULA
Maraming paraan ng pagbuo ng bagong termino o salita. Isa dito ang pagtambal ng mga kilalang salitang. Mas madaling ilunsad ang ganitong salita sapagkat alam na ng karamihan ang kahulugan ng indibidual na salitang-ugat, kung kaya mas maiintindihan ang konseptong nabubuo ng pagtatambal. Bagama’t kailangan pa ng mas masusing imbestigasyon para matiyak ang pinanggalingan ng dalub-, maaring gamitin ito katambal ng tunog ng walang pangamba dahil laganap ang paggamit ng pormulang ito sa pagkailala ng pagkabihasa sa isang larangan, at ang konsepto ng indibidual na salita. Bagama’t ako’y serioso sa hangad na makabuo ng sapat na salita, di ko maiwasang matuwa at matawa sa ginagawa ko. Minsan, naikwento ko kay Prop. Felipe De Leon Jr. (isang kapwa dalub-tunog) ang ginagawa kong ito. Bagama’t malalim niyang sinuri ang mga salitang binanggit ko, natuwa rin siya sapagkat nakaranas din siya ng suliranin ko. Napagkasunduan namin na ang pagtanggap ng bagong salita ay mangyayari lamang kapag may magsusulong nito. Maaari nang ashan na sa lahat ng pagkakataon, sisimulan ko na ang paggamit ng salitang dalub-tunog, hindi lamang sa akin, kundi sa lahat ng kapwa kong gumagalaw sa larangan ng tunog.
 ------------
- Linangan ng mga Wika sa Pilipinas, Diksyunaryo ng Wikang Filipino. Instructional Materials Corporation, (Metro Manila, Kagawaran ng Edukasyon Kultura at Isports), 293.
- Virgilio S. Almario (ed.), UP Diksiyonaryong Filipino. (Quezon City, Sentro ng Wikang Filipino, 2001), 320. Linangan ng mga Wika sa Pilipinas, 293
- Virgilio S. Almario (ed.), 118. Linangan ng mga Wika sa Pilipinas, 103.
- Linangan ng mga Wika sa Pilipinas, 201. Virgilio S. Almario (ed.), 183
- Linangan ng mga Wika sa Pilipinas, 201.
- Linangan ng mga Wika sa Pilipinas, 201. Virgilio S. Almario (ed.), 183.
- Virgilio S. Almario (ed.), 631. Linangan ng mga Wika sa Pilipinas, 687.
- Linangan ng mga Wika sa Pilipinas, 689.

13 April 2004

13 HOURS OF SHOPPING: AN ACOUSTIC SURVEY OF SHOPPING CENTERS IN METRO MANILA

13 HOURS OF SHOPPING: 
AN ACOUSTIC SURVEY OF SHOPPING CENTERS IN METRO MANILA
Robin Daniel Z. Rivera
13 April 2004
Sociology 274
Prof. Laura Samson

INTRODUCTION
Metro Manila plays host to a wide variety of retail sales establishments. There are two major large-scale examples of such establishment, these are the Palengke, and the Shopping Mall. The common element of these establishments is that they house several small and independent operated stores under one roof. They also both offer a wide selection of goods from fresh foods to finished dry goods.  On closer inspection however, there exist a number of differences between the two. 

THE PALENGKE
The palengke is the primary destination for buyers of freshly harvested vegetables, meats and fish, hence it is also known as a "wet market". The sections of the palengke that sell these usually have no facilities for storage or refrigeration. Most wet items are delivered to the market early in the morning (between midnight and 4 am) and must be sold as soon as possible to avoid spoilage. The goods are usually delivered unprocessed.  After delivery, the sellers are tasked to process and categorize the goods for display. This involves cutting up livestock into smaller manageable parts and cleaning them,  cleaning and trimming vegetables, and categorizing them for display.  The peak hours of operations for this section of the market is from the time of delivery to mid-morning. This is to ensure the buyer of a chance to select the best from the lot, and enough time to reach home to either commence cooking the fresh items, or store it in home refrigerators. 

Structurally, the palengke usually has a single roof, but few enclosing walls. The wet area also has no dividing partitions between stalls. While water and drainage is provided, the floors and surfaces usually become wet from the water used for cleaning, as well as from the body fluids still part of the fresh livestock. 

The Palengke also has a "dry goods" section that offers processed items such as clothes, household  implements and supplies, grains, and animal feed. Stalls with these items have thin wooden partitions. These stalls usually open later than their wet counterparts. While they can be closed during non-operating hours, they are practically open to full access for both sellers and buyers. 

THE SHOPPING MALL
The shopping mall is a fairly recent, late 20th century incarnation in the Philippine retail industry. It evolved as a combination of other enclosed dry-good stores such as the grocery, the variety store, and the department store. 

The present-day shopping mall is a completely enclosed structure with centralized air conditioning, centralized security systems, refrigerated and non-refrigerated storage, and parking facilities. Like the palengke, it boasts of a wide range of products and services. But unlike the palengke, it has come to focus more on the synergy between 1) processed dry-goods such as brand name clothes and personal items, 2) cooked food, and 3) entertainment facilities such as movie theaters and game arcades. There are three main types of retail areas depending on the level of isolation. First, there are "communal" areas that the buyers are free to roam. Lobbies, corridors, and general eating areas (specially in "food courts") are examples. There are also some stalls and displays that have minimum isolation and that occupy designated parts of lobbies. But these  are usually transient, and are allowed for only a week or two depending on a thematic schedule. The third type is the fixed store. Most fixed stores are not only insulated from one other, but the entrance and exit of customers from the main lobbies and corridors can be controlled by doors, glass windows, and additional security measures. 

Most Metro Manila malls usually operate between 9am and 12am. There are several peak hours in operations, depending a matrix of variables: 1) regular meal times (when restaurants are full), and 2) movie schedules (which start at 11am and end at 11pm), and 3) standard working hours (since office workers can usually only avail of leisure time outside of the regular 9 to 5 working day). 

OBJECTIVES
In light of the abovementioned nature of the two types of shopping centers, this study will explore another variable in the difference between these two types of shopping centers, the acoustic environment. What is the difference between the two? If so, what are the implications on social interaction inside these establishments?

SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY
In the Philippines, relatively little attention has been given to the study of sound in the environment. Most acoustic surveys have been aimed at controlling the acoustic characteristics of building interiors. Environmental impact studies conducted for DENR environmental compliance typically pay more attention to projected land use and air quality before, during, and after construction. Sound and noise levels are rarely measured, and projections are limited only to the changes occurring during construction. construction. An article of the Philippine Daily Inquirer (Salazar, 2003), quotes a recent national study by the University of the Philippines College of Public Health that focused on occupational noise exposure. It cites permissible noise exposure levels set by the Department of Labor and Employment. But the framework and the standards for both the study and the guidelines seem to be based on studies and legislation formulated by western institutions such as the Environmental Protection Agency in the U.S.A. While the study is laudable, it is one of a very few of its kind in the Philippines. Partly because of the lack of research, media coverage pertaining to environmental and occupational noise such as this is few and far between. The dearth of environmental  acoustic surveys (both quantitative and qualitative) in the Philippines has prompted this researcher to take action. This study is one in a series of papers that this author has undertaken to understand the contexts of sound environments and their relationships in Philippine society and culture. Other papers by this author include a survey of Filipino terms for "Noise", soundwalks of Cubao, Quezon City and Batangas City, a review of the philosophical and technological issues contrasting acoustic and computer music instruments, and a seminal paper on flatline sound in shopping malls. This study is therefore important because it aims to stimulate the practice of conducting research on issues pertaining to sound. The results may also be used as baseline data in exploring the relationship of the sound environment with social and cultural interaction.

RELATED LITERATURE
One of the main conceptual "schools" in the field of acoustic methods comes from the World Soundscape Project. Based in the Simon Fraiser University of Vancouver, Canada, the WSP aimed to document and codify "earwitness accounts" of sound environments around the world, and explore the theoretical understanding of listening and acoustic communication. Among its proponents are musicians R. Murray Schafer and Glenn Gould, and interdisciplinary professor Barry Truax. 

One of the pivotal concepts of this school is the "soundscape". This refers to "an environment of sound (or sonic environment) with emphasis on the way it is perceived and understood by an individual or by a society" (Truax 1999). The WSP solidified the interdisciplinary framework of the study for the study of soundscapes by introducing such concepts as soundscape ecology, acoustic communication, and soundscape design. 

Issues pertaining to acoustic research methods in the social sciences are also tangentially related to those of other non-text based methods such as those of  photography, moving pictures, and multimedia. Rob Walker (in Bryman and Burgess 1999, p.279-301) and Paul Henley (in Bryman and Burgess, p. 302-322) decry the relative lack of development and utilization of visual methods (and multimedia)  in qualitative research. Both imply that the use of visual data and presentations has been more associated with the physical sciences than in the social sciences. This is because the use of recording instruments such as cameras and sound recording equipment have been perceived as technological tools that are more suited to the presentation of material data, than the "thinking" tools (such as text) that are the enclave of social scientists. This has been complimented by those in the humanities that have long developed and utilized frameworks and methods to analyze visual and acoustic works and data. 

But while the social sciences have seemingly focused most of its  energies on "forcing ideas into words" (Walker, p. 280), there are still those who have managed to develop methods and strategies that use visual images to account for societies and cultures that have become increasingly visually oriented.  

Banks (2003) mentions four approaches to the use of visual data by social scientists: 1) visual records produced by the researcher, 2) visual records produced by those under study, 3) collaborative representations, and 4) and the examination of pre-existing visual representations.  


DEFINITIONS - The study will make use of several technical terms. All terms are taken from the Handbook of Acoustic Ecology, 2nd edition. CD-ROM version 1.1.

ACOUSTIC HORIZON - “The farthest distance in every direction from which sounds may be heard. Incoming sounds from distant sources define the outer limits over which acoustic communication may normally occur, and thus help to define the perceived geographical relationships between communities. SOUND SIGNALs from one community, for instance, may penetrate others. The importance of their signalling function usually diminishes, but they also act as a reminder of the various ways in which the separate communities are related. In some communities, a change in the perceived acoustic horizon, such as when a certain bell or other distant sound is particularly noticeable, has a predictable meaning as a weather forecast. Since the definition of an acoustic horizon depends on the perception of quiet sounds, it is highly susceptible to change by SOUND INTRUSIONs and other MASKing sounds. These reduce the distance of what can be heard, a characteristic shrinkage that runs parallel to that of the acoustic profile of sound signals with the rising AMBIENT NOISE of communities (see ACOUSTIC SPACE, LO-FI). Acoustic links between communities and parts of communities are now often replaced by ELECTROACOUSTIC and media links.” (Truax 1999,\Html Files\Acoustic_Horizon.html)

AMBIENCE or AMBIANCE - “The background sound of an environment in relation to which all foreground sounds are heard, such as the 'SILENCE' of an empty room, conversation in a restaurant, or the stillness of a forest. Ambience is actually comprised of many small sounds, near and far, which generally are heard as a composite, not individually. Also called ambient noise.” (Truax 1999, \Html Files\Ambience.html)

KEYNOTES - “In SOUNDSCAPE studies, keynote sounds are those which are heard by a particular society continuously or frequently enough to form a background against which other sounds are perceived. Examples might be the sound of the sea for a maritime community or the sound of the internal combustion engine or HUMs in the modern city. Often keynote sounds are not consciously perceived, but they act as conditioning agents in the perception of other SOUND SlGNALs. They have accordingly been likened to the ground in the figure-ground relationship of visual perception. (Truax. 1999. \Html Files\Keynote.html) 

MASK OR MASKING - “The effect one sound has on another by making it harder or impossible to hear. Masking will also occur for a few milliseconds before and after the desired sound, these phenomena being termed forward and backward masking respectively.” (Truax 1999, \Html Files\Mask.html)

NOISE - “Etymologically the word can be traced back to Old French (noyse) and to 11th century Provençal (noysa, nosa, nausa), but its origin is uncertain. It has a variety of meanings and shadings of meaning, the most important of which are the following:
1. Unwanted sound: The Oxford English Dictionary contains references to noise as unwanted SOUND dating back as far as 1225. 
2. Unmusical sound: The 19th century physicist Hermann von Helmholtz employed the term 'noise' to describe sound composed of non-PERIODIC vibrations (e.g. the rustling of leaves), by comparison with musical sounds, which consist of periodic vibrations. Noise is still used in this sense in expressions such as BROAD BAND NOISE, GAUSSIAN NOISE, NARROW BAND NOISE, RANDOM NOISE, RUSTLE NOISE or WHITE NOISE.
3. Any loud sound: In general usage today, noise often refers to particularly loud sounds. In this sense a noise abatement by-law prohibits certain loud sounds or establishes their permissible limits in DECIBELs. See: JET PAUSE, LOUDNESS, NOISE POLLUTION, SOUND INTRUSION, SOUND POLLUTION.
4. Disturbance in any COMMUNICATION system: In electronics and engineering, noise refers to any disturbances which do not represent part of the SIGNAL, such as static on a telephone or 'snow' on a television screen. See: BACKGROUND NOISE, SIGNAL-TO-NOISE RATIO. Compare: REDUNDANCY.
The most satisfactory definition of noise for general use is still 'unwanted sound'. This makes noise a subjective term: one person's music may be another's noise. But it also provides the opportunity for a society to come to a general agreement as to which sounds constitute unwanted intrusions.” (Truax 1999, \Html Files\Noise.html)

SOUNDMARK - “A term derived from 'landmark' used in SOUNDSCAPE studies to refer to a community sound which is unique, or possesses qualities which make it specially regarded or noticed by the people in that community. Soundmarks, therefore, are of cultural and historical significance and merit preservation and protection.” (Truax 1999. \Html Files\Soundmark.html)

SOUNDSCAPE - “An environment of SOUND (or sonic environment) with emphasis on the way it is perceived and understood by the individual, or by a society. It thus depends on the relationship between the individual and any such environment. The term may refer to actual environments, or to abstract constructions such as musical compositions and tape montages, particularly when considered as an artificial environment.” (Truax 1999, \Html Files\Soundscape.html)

STATIONARY SOUND - “A sound or SOUND OBJECT whose AMPLITUDE is relatively unchanging. However, in any natural sound the SPECTRUM is always changing (see diagram under FOURIER ANALYSIS) and there are usually slight fluctuations in amplitude even in what appears to be a steady sound. Mechanical or electrical sounds (e.g. HUMs) are usually examples of stationary sound that are almost completely unchanging. They may be called flatline sounds or DRONEs because of their steadiness. Many similar sound sources, or a single sound source with many components, will combine to produce an aggregate texture that may be called quasi-stationary or quasi-continuous sound. The individual ATTACK and DECAY of the separate components cannot be distinguished, except as fluctuations of the continuous texture. Distant surf and traffic are examples of this type of sound, as shown in the level recordings below.” (Truax 1999, \Html Files\Stationary_Sound.html)

METHOD
The study made use of a "soundwalk". A soundwalk is defined as "A form of active participation in the soundscape. though variations are many, the essential purpose of the soundwalk is to encourage the participant to listen discriminately, and moreover, to make critical judgements about the sounds heard and their contribution to the balance or imbalance of the sonic environment. " (Truax 1999) This method that involves the researcher walking through a particular area and collecting various sounds in that area. It must be stressed that the particular version of the soundwalk used in this study was based primarily on the sound recording. While some data rested on the researcher's sensory experiences during the soundwalk, the primary data set will came from the recording. 

All recordings were conducted on Sunday, 9 February 2003. The complete Nepa-Q recording  started at 5:13 am and ended 5:37am. The complete Podium recording started at 12:17 pm and ended 12:50pm. Finally, the complete SM City North EDSA recording started at 4:35 pm and ended at 5:50pm. The enclosed audio CD contains a continuous excerpt from each of these recordings.

The recordings made use of a Sony MZ-R70 MiniDisc digital audio recorder , and a Radio Shack Ultra-Miniature Tie Clip omni-directional  microphone. The recordings were then copied to a Compact Disc. A minimal amount of editing was employed, but only to eliminate drop-outs which occurred during the recording. The recordings, therefore, are continuous and uninterrupted.  The recording level was the same for all recordings, and no enhancement processing, equalization, nor artificial effects were employed. This researcher occasionally announced his location in the building. 

One of the main limitations in the study was getting permission to conduct the study in  shopping malls. Because of centralized security and corporate competition, independent researchers are often discouraged from conducting data gathering inside mall premises. This researcher formally requested permission from the management of both malls in December, but none replied. In one telephone conversation, an executive assistant in The Podium said a previous request to conduct school-related research was rejected, and the rejection of my request was most probably forthcoming. 

Because of this, the equipment used for the recording had to be conceilable. This affected the choice of microphone. While a larger, more "capable" microphone was preferred, a miniature microphone had to be selected so that it would not arouse suspicion. This compromise resulted in an overall sound that is somewhat lacking in extreme lower frequencies. The rest of the spectrum however is not seriously lacking. So the recordings are still a reasonably representative document of the actual sound in the research areas. 

DISCUSSION 

LO-FI VERSUS HI-FI
The most startling result of this study was in the classification of environments into lo-fi (or low-fidelity) and hi-fi (high-fidelity). Truax defines hi-fi environment as "....one where all sounds may be heard clearly without being crowded or masked by other sounds and noise." (Truax, 1999,  \Html Files\Hi-Fi.html) He defines lo-fi environment as ".... one in which signals are overcrowded, resulting in masking and lack of clarity (Truax 1999,\Html Files\Lo-Fi.html) ."

One popular impression of the  Philippine palengke is that buyers and sellers engage in a  cacophony of bidding and negotiation. But the recordings reveal the opposite, the palengke is actually a hi-fi environment. First of all, human vocal sounds are unusually clear and well defined. One can easily understand the words spoken by the participants. Short and long-range human communication in the heart of this structure are clear and relatively un-masked by keynote sounds. The recording revealed discrete instances of vendors calling from both near and far. The market building has few hard boundaries where sound can reflect. First, the "wet" area of the structure is relatively free of obstructions and boundaries. There are no partitions between stalls, the roof is very high (approximately 30+ meters), and there are no walls separating the internal and external parts of the structure. Reverberation, that can reflect and/or obscure direct sounds, do not prominently contribute to the keynote. 

Second, vendors have evolved a vocal style that can carry over large distances in the palengke without electronic amplification. This voice is relatively high-pitched and nasal,  and is practiced by both males and females. High pitches tend to travel faster and farther than low pitches. So this vocal style ensures that it can be heard clearly, over relatively long distances inside the palengke. 

Third, messages are relatively short and direct to the point. These short messages tend to alternate, thus each can exist in its own space and time within the aural horizon. While some vendors and buyers may occasionally tease and needle each other, the conversations still retain a sense of clarity. Other sounds such as chopping, grinding and splashing occupy other areas of the sound spectrum and do not violently interfere with these voices, again because they are intermittent, and exist in their own time and space. 

Finally, there are few instances of amplified sounds. The "dry goods" section of the palengke is also a hi-fi environment. The thin wooden partitions and the merchandise are soft enough to absorb reflected sound, , so there is even less reverberation. There are more instances of amplified music , but they usually come from small radios and playback systems with limited bandwidth, and are not played very loud. These radios seem to be played for the private entertainment of the vendors, and not to call attention to, or entertain the customers. The vendor's voices are similarly clear and unmasked by the keynote. The palengke is therefore a hi-fi environment because communicative sounds are clear and orderly, and is not profoundly masked by the keynote. 

Less surprising, but equally important, is the revelation that the shopping mall is a textbook example of a lo-fi environment. The structure is completely enclosed, and is surrounded by hard, reflective surfaces that generate a fair amount of short reverberation. Mechanical sounds abound. In the case of the Podium, the airconditioning created a noticeably audible, broad-spectrum keynote. Open display stands for electronic devices are played noticeably louder than in the palengke. At a distance, these sounds lack definition, and form part of the keynote. As one gets closer, clarity is only partly improved, but is negatively affected by reverberation, and by the distortion caused by high playback levels. The environment in SM City is even more lo-fi. There are more electronic devices, and are played even louder than in the Podium. Game arcades are the loudest venue for such devices, with each of the tens of game consoles playing sound at ear-splitting levels. Even short-range voice communication requires one to scream into another person's ear to get heard. While one would expect such loud sounds to have a large acoustic horizon, the high-level keynote of SM City limits the horizon of even the loudest sounds by masking them. 

Another major finding is that there seems to be much less long-range voice communication than in the palengke. The keynote is so loud that one has to shout in order to be heard more than 5 meters away, even less when next to electronic devices. One of the problems in doing so is that shouting creates a commotion that seems unwelcome in this kind of place. It potentially indicates that the person is either hostile, deranged, or self-centered. It could also signal an emergency situation, or criminal activity in progress. The mall privileges mechanical and electronically amplified devices, and perceives such as a sign of profitable activity. Loud human voice communication, on the other hand, is considered a source of disruption or danger. This adds up to a lo-fi environment that  prefers conformity in the form of docile human behavior.  

STIMULATION, RELAXATION, AND TRANSACTION
The acoustic ambience of the three places suggest different ways by which businesses seek to stimulate sales. The place with the highest general noise level was undoubtedly SM City. The sheer number of electronic playback devices, and the ponderous levels that they are set to, belies an attitude in which noise is seen as irresistibly attractive to people. Noise stimulates curiosity and attention. This is the first step in the process of sales. But this only results in an acoustic situation spiraling out of control. As the number of people in the building increase, the keynote level goes up. To be heard above the din, stores use electronic devices to create noise and attention, which adds to the already high keynote level. As more and more devices are turned on, they multiply the level of the keynote.  Eventually, these devices become so loud that the sound becomes stationary. Because the sound becomes stationary, it loses its definition, and its ability to impart clear, detailed information. Truax states the result of continuous, stationary sounds: “The brain’s reactions to repetitive, low information, constant level stimuli is called habituation, and is characterized by a decreased neural firing-rate. In terms of perceived sense of loudness, the process is called adaptation. A constant level of sound is said to “fatigue” the auditory system and produce a decreased level of sensation, for example, the loudness of a constant tone falls off with duration.” (Truax 2000, p. 139) In its attempt to stimulate, the soundscape of SM City ironically ends up numbing the senses. 

The Podium has the lowest general noise level of all three places, but it potentially suffers from the same problems as SM City. The keynote was composed mostly of an ominously mechanical air-conditioning noise. An almost cathedral-like reverberation diffused the air-conditioning noise even further. Two sets of sounds punctuated this keynote. First, there was a home-theater display on the second floor that was playing popular music. While this was not loud, it tended to melt into the keynote even at moderate distance. Then there was a computer controlled piano on the same floor playing easy-listening music. Because it was an acoustic instrument, it created a dynamic sound (as opposed to the relatively stationary home-theater system). But it too lost its detail because of long reverberation times. Also, it was competing with the home-theater system because they were on the same floor. The Podium’s soundscape missed out on being able to transmit meaningful acoustic information because of a general lack of clarity and detail. The aim of the Podium’ s soundscape seems to be the opposite of SM City, and that is to provide a relaxation. But what seems to come through is a general state of confusion, brought about by the swirling reverberant keynote and the general lack of detail from dynamic sounds.  

Among the three, it seems that the Nepa-Q market is the only one that seems to succeed at its objective. A palengke is more of a venue for sales, and not for entertainment. Two types of transactions usually occur in a palengke, first are transactions between vendors and customers. These may be short-range communications when the seller and customer are at arms length from each other, or long range communication wherein the vendor calls out to prospective customers several meters away. The other type of transaction is between vendors who trade goods in the course of serving the demands of customers. This is usually medium to long range communication because their areas are fixed by the location of their stalls. Such transactions demand a soundscape that has clarity. Nepa-Q market building may not be the quietest venue, but it is the clearest in its ability to carry human voice messages. In addition, the vendors have developed the vocal technique required to effectively communicate in this type of structure. In a palengke, transactions precede entertainment, and Nepa-Q market is the ideal venue for such.

CONCLUSION
The palengke and the shopping mall represent opposing extremes in the culture of retail sales. The soundscapes of these places confirm this polarity. The palengke has a long history that stretches back more than a century. In that time, not only has the architecture developed, but people have adapted to create efficient ways of carrying out transactions. In the acoustic sense, the vocal techniques of the typical vendor or “palengkera” has developed out of such adaptation. The modern palengke therefore, is as much a social creation as it is a structural one.

On the other hand, the shopping mall has a much shorter history. But while architecture presumably takes human comfort into consideration, the mall has become an acoustic battleground that often leaves its victims shell-shocked. Communication  has become the main victim of a relentless drive for sales and entertainment. Medium and long distance human communication has fallen prey to distorting sound systems. Short range human communication has necessitated raised voices to counteract the keynote. The final irony is that people are restricted from vocal expression for fear of disruption, while extreme loudness levels from electronic devices proliferate seemingly uncontrolled. 

The public market therefore strikes one as indeed, a “public” creation. It is forged out of interaction and negotiation. On the other hand, the “private” mall privileges its own intent and objectives, and unilaterally imposes its will on the customer via technological infrastructure and devices. This study has shown how clearly these are articulated in the respective soundscapes.


BIBLIOGRAPHY

Books and Articles

Berger, John. Ways Of Seeing. London, England: Penguin Books and The British Broadcasting Corporation, 1972. 

Henley, Paul. "Film Making and Ethnographic Research". In Bryman and Burgess, Qualitative Research vol. 1. London, England: Sage Publications,. 1999. 

Schafer, R. Murray. The New Soundscape. Ontario: Berandol Music Limited, 1969.

Truax, Barry. Acoustic Communication, 2nd edition. Westport, Connecticut: Ablex Publishing, 2001.

Walker, Rob. "Finding a Silent Voice for the Researcher: Using Photographs in Evaluation and Research". In Bryman and Burgess, Qualitative Research vol. 1.London, England: Sage Publications, 1999. 


Electronic Documents:

Banks, Marcus. "Visual Research Methods". Sociology at Surrey, issue 11, (13 january 2003). 

Department of Natural Resources, Environmental Management Bureau. Balancing Business Environment: EIS Systems for Earth-Friendly Projects. CD-ROM. ProProjex Inc., Quezon City, Philippines,  1999. 

Truax, Barry. Handbook of Acoustic Ecology, 2nd edition. CD-ROM version 1.1.  Cambridge Street Publishing, 1999.. 

Salazar, Tessa R. "Noisy Workplace: A Problem No One Hears". inq7.net, 19:05, 10 Jan  2003, .

14 October 2003

TALATINIGAN NG SALITA KAUGNAY SA TUNOG: TITIK “A”

TALATINIGAN NG SALITA KAUGNAY SA TUNOG: TITIK “A
Robin Daniel Z. Rivera
Antropolohiya 297: Special Topics in Philippine Culture
Prop. Prospero Covar, Ph.D.
14 Oktubre 2003

Matagal ko nang pinapag-aralan ang mga katangian ng tunog. Subali’t karamihan ng mga aklat at artikulo ukol dito ay galing sa ibang bansa. Kung mayroon mang artikulo na galing sa Pilipinas, ito’y nakasulat sa wikang Ingles. Sa pagnanais kong maintindihan ang konteksto ng tunog sa kulturang Pilipino, nagsimula akong mag-likom ng salita sa Wikang Filipino kaugnay ng tunog.
Ang unang hakbang ng aking paghahanap nagtipon ko and mga salitang kaugnay ng mga ingay. Sa aking maikling papel na pinamagatang “Exploring Noise and Noise, Ingay and Ingay1 , nakalikom ako ng tatlumpong salita, mula sa sari-saring diksyonariong English-Filipino at Filipino-Filipino. Una kong napansin ang kayamanan ng salita na onomatopeic, o batay sa tunog ng isang pangyayari. Kapansin-pansin din na ang ingay sa Filipino ay isa lamang sa maraming klase ng tunog na laganap, hindi tulad ng noise sa Ingles na karaniwang itinuturing di-kanaisnais at dapat iwasan.
Sa papel na ito, sisimulan ko ang pangalawang hakbang. Dito tinipon ang lahat ng salita na may kaugnayan sa tunog. Ito’y ibabase sa isang batis, and “U.P. Diksiyonaryong Filipino”2. Bilang panimulang pagsusuri, sasakupin ko ang mga salita na naguumpisa sa letrang “a”.

MGA LAHOK
May isang-daan at limampung-walung lahok sa nagsisimula sa titik “a”. Sa pag-aaral na ito, ang isang lahok ay may anim na bahagi kaugnay ng linalaman ng diksiyunario, 1) pahina, 2) salita at bigkas, 3) daglat, 4) wikang pinagmulan, 5) pakahulugan. Bukod dito, dinagdag ang isa pang bahagi, 6) Mekanismo O Paraan Ng Pagganap.

DAGLAT (hanayan 1)
Ang pinakamalaking bilang ng mga lahok ay may daglit na pangngalan (105). Mas nakararami dito (28) ang mga anyo ng pananalita, pagtula, o pagawit (hanayan 4). Kapansin-pansin din ang dami ng padamdam (26) sa diksiyonaryong ito. Halimbawa, higit sa doble ang bilang dito kaysa sa diksyunaryo ng Linangan ng Mga Wika sa Pilipinas3. Maaring ito’y dahil sa balangkas o polisiya ng patnugot. Ngunit ang ganitong balangkas ay maari rin palatandaan ng, at bunga ng pagiging “masalita” (orality) ng Wikang Filipino. Maaaring iugnay ang hinalang ito sa aking obserbasiyon tungkol sa yaman sa salitang onomatopeic.
Oral cultures are held to operate using mnemonic patterns, and parallel closely the occurrence of phenomena in the "human life world". Onomatopoeia operationalizes this by creating words based on the vocal imitation of actual sounds. This uncanny connection fulfills most of the characteristics of orality set down by Ong. For example, onomatopoeic words refer closely to the "human life world" because of their imitative nature. Then, it enhances memorability because it is, in a sense, redundant of the original phenomenon. Finally, onomatopoeia is also expressive and situational, as opposed to analytical and abstract. All of these strengthen the argument that onomatopoeia is a characteristic of a primarily oral culture.”4
Karamihan ng mga salitang padamdam ay maituturing nating “abstract” sapagkat wala itong kahawig na tunog sa kalikasan, di tulad ng onomatopea na pang-gagaya ng isang tunog.. Subali’t may mga salitang padamdam na wala din namang pinanangalang bagay o tunog. Dito, tinutukoy ng salita ang mismong tunog ng pagbigkas. Sa ganitong makahulugan mapahayag mga salita, nagiging matunog ang Wikang Filipino.
Hanayan 1: Bilang Ng Mga Salita Batay Sa Daglit
DAGLIT
BILANG
pangngalan
105
padamdam
26
pang-uri
18
pang-abay
2
pandiwa
5
music
1
wala
1
TOTAL
158

PINAGMULANG WIKA/DIYALEKTO (hanayan 2)
May tatlumput-apat na wikang tinuturing pinagmulan ng mga lahok. Ang pinakamalaking bilang (49) ay walang pananda, at maaaring maituring na “likas” na Pilipino. Ang pinakamalaking bilang ng hiram na salita ay galing sa wikang Kastila (32). Sa mga wika ng Pilipinas, ang pinakamalaking bilang ay tubong Iloko (10).
Marahil, nagbubunga ito ng isyung etimolohikal. Halimbawa, kapansin-pansin na walang lahok na sinanasbing galing sa ibang wika ng Timog-Silangang Asya. Kahit sa gabay ng diksiyunario, walang nakasaad na palatandaan para sa anumang wika bukod sa mga wika ng Tsino, Arabo, Swahili, Sanskrit, Griyego, Europeo at Pilipino. Maaring sabihin na ang anumang salita na ginagamit sa Pilipinas na tubong Timog-Silangang Asya ay likas at hindi hiniram. Subali’t kung sa etimolohiya ng bawat salita ay sinali ang mga wika ng Pilipinas at Europa, dapat ding isinaalang-alang ang pag-asang may mga kahawig na salita mula sa ibang wikang Timog-Silangang Asya.

Hanayan 2: Bilang Ng Salita Batay Sa Wikang Pinagmulan
WIKA
BILANG
Agt
1
Agt-Mbk
3
Bag
1
Baj Bat Bil Klg Mag Man Mar Pal Sma Tau Tgk Tbo Tir Yak
1
Bik
3
Bik Hil Kap Seb Tag
1
Bik Kap Tag
1
Bil
1
Bon
4
Dum
1
Esp
32
Esp Lat Heb
2
Fre
1
Hil
4
Hil Seb
1
Ifu
3
Igo
1
Ilk
9
Ilk Tag Seb
1
Ilt
1
Ing
9
Ita
3
Kal
1
Kan
1
Kap
4
Kap Tag
3
Lat
2
Mag
1
Man
1
Mnb
1
Seb
2
St
1
Tgb
1
Tir
2
War
5
Wala
49
TOTAL
158

Mekanismo O Paraan Ng Pagganap (hanayan 3 at 4)
Lumikha ako ng apat na kategoria na nakabase sa mekanismo at pamamaraan ng pagganap ng tunog. Ang pinakamalaking bilang ng salita, halos kalahati ng kabuuang bilang, ay may kinalaman sa tao (74). Susunod dito ang bilang ng salitang may kinalaman sa musika (39). Bagama’t masasabi na ang musika’y likha, at nagmumula rin sa tao, katangi-tangi ang musika bilang anyong sining, pagpapahayag at kommunikasyon. Dagdag nito, maituturing ding pareho ang musika sa ibang anyo ng literatura (halimbawa: tula) dahil sa pagiging sining nito. Ngunit base sa daglit, anim lang ang salitang may kinalaman sa literatura. Dahil dito, minarapat na ibukod ang musika sa ibang kategoriya.
Pangatlo lamang ang mg salita na may kinalaman sa kalikasan bukod sa tao. Maaring sabihin na bilang paraan ng komunikasyon at pagpapahayag, mas pinaguukulan ng pansin ang mga wika at gawain ng tao, kaysa sa ibang elemento ng kalikasan.

Hanayan 3: Bilang Ng Salita Batay Sa Mekanismo O Paraan Ng Pagganap
MAY KINALAMAN SA TAO
BILANG
anyo ng pananalita, pagtula, o pagawit
37
galing sa boses ng tao
29
hingil sa pakikinig ng tao
3
galing sa katawan ng tao bukod sa boses
2
uri ng boses ng tao
2
hinggil sa kakayahan ng tao
1
TOTAL
74
MAY KINALAMAN SA MUSIKA

panggalan ng instrumentong musikal
12
paraan ng paggawa o pagayos ng musika
8
uri ng musika
7
pangalan o uri ng manunugtog o nagaayos ng musika
6
bahagi o elemento ng musika
4
tunog ng instrumentong musikal
2
TOTAL
39
MAY KINALAMAN SA KALIKASAN

galing sa boses ng hayop o insekto
8
galing sa halaman o ibang elemento ng kalikasan
5
tunog gawa ng ugnayan ng bagay sa kalikasan
5
gawa ng ugnayan ng tunog at espasiyo
4
uri ng tunog mula sa kalikasan
3
tunog gawa ng ugnayan ng tao at kalikasan
1
TOTAL
26
PANGKALAHATANG KATEGORIYA

panglahatang uri ng tunog
11
pagbabago ng tunog gawa ng teknolohiya o kalikasan
3
kalagayan ng pang-kalahatang tunog sa kalikasan
3
hinggil sa tunog
2
TOTAL
19

Hanayan 4: Cross-tabulation ng Bilang Ng Salita Batay Sa Daglit, at Kategoriya ng Mekanismo O Paraan Ng Pagganap
KATEGORIYA
wala
mus
pnb
pnd
pnr
pdd
png
TOTAL
A.1. anyo ng pananalita, pagtula, o pagawit



4
5

28
37
A.2. galing sa boses ng tao





25
4
29
A.3 hingil sa pakikinig ng tao




3


3
A.4. galing sa katawan ng tao bukod sa boses






2
2
A.5. anyo ng boses ng tao






2
2
A.6. hinggil sa kakayahan ng tao




1


1
B.1. panggalan ng instumentong musikal






12
12
B.2. paraan ng paggawa o pagayos ng musika

1
2
1
2

2
8
B.3 anyo ng musika





1
6
7
B.4. pangalan o uri ng manunugtog o nagaayos ng musika






6
6
B.5. bahagi o elemento ng musika






4
4
B.6. tunog ng intrumentong musikal
1





1
2
C.1. galing sa boses ng hayop o insekto






8
8
C.2. galing sa halaman o ibeng elemento ng kalikasan






5
5
C.3. tunog gawa ng ugnayan ng bagay sa kalikasan






5
5
C.4. anyo ng tunog mula sa kalikasan






3
3
C.5. kalagayan ng pang-kalahatang tunog sa kalikasan




1

2
3
C.6. tunog gawa ng ugnayan ng tao at kalikasan






1
1
D.1. panglahatang uri ng tunog




1

10
11
D.2. gawa ng ugnayan ng tunog at espasiyo




3

1
4
D.3. pagbabago ng tunog gawa ng teknolohiya o kalikasan




1

2
3
D.4. hinggil sa tunog




1

1
2
TOTAL
1
1
2
5
18
26
105
158


KONKLUSYON AT REKOMENDASYON
Tatlong magkaugnay na suliranin ang umuusbong sa pagsisiyasat na ito. Una, hindi malinaw ang ugnayan ng wikang Filipino sa ibang wika sa timog-silangang Asya. Bagama’t minabuting ilapat ang etimolohiya ng mga salitang galing sa wikang Europeo, walang kaukulang pansin ang binigyan sa mga salitang maaring kahawig sa wikang Asyano. Dapat magkaroon ng mas masusing pananaliksik sa larangang ito.
Pangalawa, malinaw ang pagkabukod-tangi ng balangkas ng diksiyunaryong ito kaysa sa iba. Base sa di-pormal sa pagsisiyasat ng ibang diksiyunaryong Filipino, kapansin-pansin ang paglakip ng mas nakararaming padamdam.. Malamang nais bigyan ng halaga, hindi lamang ng salita bilang tekstong nakasulat, kundi pati teksto bilang salita na binibigkas. Kaugnay nito, ang balangkas ng diksiyunaryong ito ay maaring bunga nang pagiging likas na makasalita at matunog ng wikang Filipino.
Ang mga suliraning ito base sa malinaw, subali’t ‘di-kumpletong pagsisiyasat. Maaaring pag-tibayan ito pamamagitan ng 1) pag- kumpleto ng buong diksiyunario, mula titik “a” hanggang “z”, 2) panayam sa mga patnugot tungkol sa mga balangkas at polisiya, at 3) masusing paghambing sa ibang diksiyunaryong Filipino.
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Footnotes
1Robin Daniel Z. Rivera. “Noise 2: Exploring Noise and Noise, Ingay and Ingay”. 12 Abril 2002.
2Virgilio S. Almario (ed.). UP Diksiyonaryong Filipino. (Quezon City, Sentro ng Wikang Filipino, 2001), 1-69.
3Linangan ng mga Wika sa Pilipinas. Diksyunaryo ng Wikang Filipino, Unang Edisyon. (Cacho Hermanos Inc., Mandaluyong, Metro Manila, 1989)
4Robin Daniel Z. Rivera. “Noise 2: Exploring Noise and Noise, Ingay and Ingay”. 12 Abril 2002.